Tourang Taghaddossi
Abstract
Africans were present in Iran for centuries due to trade, but their presence greatly increased during the Qajar era (1798-1925) due to the slave trade. African slaves were imported from Eastern and northeastern Africa to the southern coast of Iran by sea, and by land through Arabia and neighboring Iraq. Slaves were seen as a symbol of wealth by both members of the Qajar royal family and middle class Iranian families. The royal family resided in the urban cities in northern Iran, several hundred kilometers away from the south coast where enslaved Africans were disembarked. Enslaved Africans purchased for the royal families would find themselves occupied as domestic servants in the Qajar palaces. Those who stayed in the south were tasked with menial labor, whereas those enslaved in the urban north faced significantly better conditions and experienced gradual assimilation into Iranian society, while those in the south became part of distinct Afro-Iranian communities that still exist. A series of abolitionist laws spanned over a century led to the end of the practice, and caused the now free Africans to disperse around the country. African slaves conferred the image of affluence and elevated social status on their owners, and undertook important roles in the royal palaces of Qajar Iran. This paper explores the different roles that enslaved Africans in the palaces of Qajar Iran undertook.
Keywords: Iran, Qajar, Africans, slavery, slaves, eunuchs, concubines
Pillars of the Palace: African Enslavement & Qajar Royalty
On a given night in a Qajar palace, the Shah (King) calls all the women of the harem to gather in a hall. Watching over from his throne, the Shah switches off the newly-fitted lights, allowing all participants to unleash their aggression on one another. Tensions between participants were to be settled during this event. The screams and cries of the women served as enjoyment for the King, who would turn the lights back on upon being satisfied. Among the participants were enslaved African women in the palace (Mary, 2019). For a short while, one’s status was stripped under the cover of darkness, allowing the slaves to assault whomever they disliked without repercussions. This story illustrates just how complex the dynamics of slavery were in Iran.
This paper explores the roles that enslaved Africans in the Qajar palaces played, and how some enslaved African servants of the palace were able to command respect from others. Enslaved Africans significantly contributed to the operations of the vast Qajar palaces, and both genders were tasked with equally important duties. Their duties assisted in maintaining the public image of wealth for the royal families they worked for, and facilitating daily life in the palace. Some Iranian slave owners perceived enslavement as an act of protection, with a misconception that life as an enslaved individual in an Iranian household was better than life back home. Islamic teachings may have provided a framework for Iranians to falsely believe that enslavement was in alignment with charity and protection principles in Islam (Bahnaz, 2017). This paper reconstructs the history of the Africans servants who worked in the palaces of Iran during the Qajar era and the influence they commanded. Following an overview of the origins of Africans in Iran, I will outline the role of the enslaved African men and women, and conclude with the emancipation of Africans in Iran.
Background of Africans in Iran
The trade in enslaved Africans in Iran gained pace in the 19th century due to territorial conflicts with neighboring Russia. The conclusion of the Russo-Persian War saw the signing of the Treaty of Turkmenchay in 1828, wherein parts of northern Iran were lost to Imperial Russia. At the time, slaves in Iran largely originated from the Caucasus. The treaty subsequently cut the supply of Circassian, Georgian, Armenian, and Azeri slaves. The following decades saw an influx of enslaved Africans being imported mainly from East Africa to replace the loss of labor. Enslaved Africans were sought after in Iran due to their perceived value, which was the culmination of difficult transit routes and stereotypical views on skin color. This is supported in the memoir of a Qajar princess, providing further insight on how Iranians viewed slavery at the time: “since honor and grandeur at that time were measured by ownership of creatures whom God has made no differently from others, except for the color of their skin” (Bahnaz, 2017).
The journey into enslavement began with trauma. Enslavement in Africa was the result of war and kidnapping, and was not limited to adults. The demand for lifelong loyal slaves led to the abduction of toddlers and infants, with the view that younger children are more malleable. These abducted children would soon have to conform to life in a Qajar palace against their will. Interestingly, those transported through the Indian Ocean were left unshackled and treated as free passengers. A journey through several bodies of sea separated the enslaved African from their new occupation. Once on the voyage, those impacted with diseases were either left to die or thrown overboard, resulting in about half the number of captives actually completing the trip (Bahnaz, 2017). The trade was largely conducted by Arab and Indian merchants seeking to meet demand in Iran and Arabia. The now-enslaved Africans were conveyed down the Swahili Coast to the Horn of Africa, where Arab and Indian merchants would then return across the Indian Ocean using the seasonal monsoon winds. The northern Omani coast around Sur and Masqat acted as a hub for the dispersal of enslaved Africans in the region. From there, vessels carrying enslaved Africans would travel through the Persian Gulf to coastal cities such as Bushehr and Lengeh. Upon arrival, the enslaved Africans were stripped naked and put on display in rented private spaces to allow potential buyers to inspect them. The subsequent transfer of ownership would be legalized at an Islamic court with a bill of sale consisting of relevant details (Bahnaz, 2017), followed shortly after by a long trek to the city of employment. For instance, it took about forty-five days for a mule to travel from the port of Bushehr to the capital city of Tehran (Bahnaz, 2017). Newly-purchased enslaved Africans were often expected to convert to the religion of their masters, though not all did (Bahnaz, 2017). Conversion to Islam granted the possibility of better treatment, as it aligned one’s beliefs with that of one’s master. Conversion was encouraged, but not forced. Some enslaved African women can be seen unveiled in palace photographs (Pedram, 2017), and this reflected acceptance by their masters as members of the household, or even family, to different degrees.
Enslaved Africans were divided into three categories: men intended for labor, women designated as concubines or servants, and castrated boys intended for lifelong servitude. Generally, Ethiopians were preferred in Iranian society over other African ethnicities due to perceived differences in their appearance. As a result, higher prices were charged for enslaved Ethiopians. In general, Africans in Iran faced short life expectancies due to a lack of immunity to local diseases, contributing to the high demand for children. Although some Africans lived long lives, such as Agha Javaher (Mr Jewelry), a eunuch who lived to eighty-eight years old. Information can be inferred from the prices that each category of enslaved Africans fetched in 19th century Iran (Bahnaz, 2017). Ethiopian women were among the most valued category due to their beauty and symmetrical figures, and were regularly purchased as concubines. Similarly, Ethiopian men were preferred over men of other African ethnicities due to stereotypical views. For example, Africans servants from the Swahili coast were observed by European visitors and diplomats to work more often in fields than indoors, while Ethiopians (Habshis) and Sudanese (Nubis) were deemed by Iranian slave owners to be more intelligent and were assigned more respectable jobs indoors (Bahnaz, 2017). Meanwhile, children under twenty were considered to be at the peak of their performance. The younger the child, the easier it was to indoctrinate them into the role of a slave, and the longer the duration of their servitude. Younger children therefore fetched higher prices, with prices only declining once the child passed the age of twenty. Castrated men, or eunuchs, were at the top of the hierarchy with prices almost double of what the Ethiopian woman would fetch. Of course, the younger the eunuch, the higher the price he would fetch. Race was not a considerable determining factor for servitude, rather the use of different ethnicities of slaves depended on market forces and personal beliefs. Stereotypes did play a significant role in assigning duties. An African servant of the palace was viewed as a “brother” regardless of his ethnic background. Despite this, enslaved individuals were still treated as commodities, as evident by the fact that they were sold, rented or inherited. Such practices outline the perception of enslaved individuals as sources of labor rather than human beings. Just as one might see an enslaved African engaged in menial labor along the southern coast of Iran, you could probably find his countryman working in a palace in northern Iran.
To appreciate the role of enslaved Africans in the royal palaces, one must understand the structure of a Qajar palace. The palaces were vast, and consisted of several buildings and gardens to uphold the prestige of the Shah. One section of the palace was the andarun (inner quarters), or harem. The andarun was the secluded and private living quarters reserved for the women of the royal family, this included the wives and children of the Shah, their female servants, and was also accessible by the Shah and African eunuchs. While the biruni (outer quarters) was where the men of the palace lived, and also served as the public-facing part of the palace. Access to the inner quarters was strictly restricted to the Shah, African eunuchs and immediate members of the royal family in order to protect the dignity of the women. Enslaved Africans were purchased from local markets all over Iran, and often gifted to the Qajar courts by royal family members (Pedram, 2017). These servants were employed within the palace to serve numerous purposes. The guards of the inner quarters were African eunuchs, while the women served as concubines, servants and nannies.
The Enslaved African Men
African eunuchs were taken to Iran’s northern cities and were mainly intended to work as guards of the inner quarters as highly trusted guardians of the palace. These eunuchs were brought to Iran as children, and were castrated at a young age. While a small proportion of enslaved African men who were not eunuchs were trained as soldiers for the Qajar elites and others entrusted with administrative duties such as tax collection and treasury management. The process of creating a eunuch bode a mortality rate of about 60% due to unsanitary practices and use of natural remedies. Children who were anticipated to be sold would be castrated in their village by their parents or sorcerers beforehand (Henri, 2006). Those purchased for Qajar royalty were to be trained as lifelong servants under the chief eunuch of the palace. Prior to reaching the age deemed suitable to serve as a eunuch, African boys were intended as playmates for the royal children. The Shah himself had a few eunuchs at his service, while his wives were assigned between one and four eunuchs each based on their significance (Mary, 2019). African eunuchs were given the title of agha (mister), given special outfits that set them apart from other servants, and were paid an income for their unwavering allegiance to the Shah (Bahnaz, 2017).
The whole point of the inner quarters was to follow the Islamic tradition of gender segregation. African eunuchs were preferred to work in the inner quarters due to their perceived unattractiveness. This can be supported by the memoir of Taj-al-Saltana, describing the chief eunuch of the palace as “ugly and repulsive”, as well as “exceptionally cruel and fearless” (Mary, 2019). These comments illustrate the Iranian elite’s dehumanizing view of enslaved Africans, which, as a result, granted African eunuchs higher mobility than their white counterparts (Floor, 1988). Eunuchs were responsible for overseeing the segregation of the women and would do so by giving an order known as the quruq, which signaled the presence of an outsider male and ensured that women were veiled and kept out of sight to preserve their dignity and restrict access to the outside world. This practice maintained a gap between the inner quarters and the outside world, achieving both objectives of preserving the family’s purity and safeguarding the members of the harem from outside contamination. Other than just guarding the quarters, these “genderless” men were given roles ranging from entertainment to nannies.
The most coveted position for an African eunuch was that of the chief eunuch. He was given his own quarters in the palace and held the keys to the inner quarters. The chief eunuch facilitated contact between state officials and the Shah and was responsible for training new eunuchs. He was also tasked with other duties such as purchasing slaves from markets and handpicking concubines and wives for the Shah. Due to his role as an intermediary, the chief eunuch was paid well through stipends and monetary gifts, thus allowing him greater mobility in Iranian society, even enabling him to purchase property outside the palace (Vanzan, 1988). By the late 19th century, the role of the eunuch had become ingrained in Iranian society and initial attempts to abolish the use of slaves in Iranian households faced resistance by the elite. The African eunuch was viewed as a rare commodity in Iran, largely because the process of creating a eunuch was a dangerous practice and also forbidden in Islam (Bahnaz, 2017). This ultimately meant that premium prices had to be paid for eunuchs, thus increasing their perceived value and importance within the palace.
It is important to note that the prestige of the Shah depended on maintaining a positive image of wealth and opulence in public. The role that the eunuch played meant that regardless of the scandals and affairs that occurred within the inner quarters, the public sphere would not hear about it. In this regard, the African eunuch helped maintain the prestige of the royal family.
The Enslaved African Women
Of similar importance was the role of enslaved African women, who exercised similar levels of influence. Enslaved African women in the harem were just as important as their male counterparts. As was the case with the enslaved African men, enslaved African women were often given elegant names that indicated a high level of consideration by their masters. Names such as Ghulchehra (Flower Face) and Ziba (Beautiful) are a few examples, reflecting how their beauty was valued (Bahnaz, 2017). As mentioned before, the ownership of enslaved Africans was not limited to the Iranian elite. Just about anyone with adequate wealth could purchase slaves. The founder of the Baha’i faith, a middle-class man from Shiraz known as the Bab (the Gate), kept two African slaves in his small household. One of the two slaves of the house, Fezzeh Khanum, was purchased as a gift by Bab for his wife. Following the death of the Baha’i Prophet, the household of the mistress became a center of pilgrimage for the followers. Visitors were said to have kissed the shoulder of Fezzeh Khanum upon entering the house as a sign of devotion to the Bab (Anthony, 2015).
Dynamics differed in the royal palace however, and it is important to first define how relationships in the harem played out. Each one of the Shah’swives were given separate quarters to live in, these buildings were typically located near a large garden (Bahnaz, 2017). This represented the inner quarter, or andarun, of the palace. As indicated through the memoirs of the Shah’sdaughter, Taj-al-Saltana, it was common practice for children to see their parents only a few times a day (Mary, 2019). As was the case with Princess Taj-al-Saltana, the children of the Shah were typically looked after by a group of slaves consisting of a wet-nurse and a few nannies. The social and emotional needs of each child were looked after by separate groups of slaves, who forged the first maternal bonds for the child. Aside from emotional needs, nannies were responsible for educating the child. African slaves were often sent out to reputable artists to learn various subjects, and teach the children and women of the palace their learnings upon returning. The African nanny responsible for Taj-al-Saltana was the matron nanny, who formed a deep emotional bond with her, so much so that Taj-al-Saltana preferred the nanny over her own mother. Such instances were common amongst other children of the palace (Mary, 2019). Despite the deep bond, Taj-al-Saltana remained adamant that nannies could not replace the warmth of a mother. The nannies who collectively raised the children held great influence. Some would even include their nannies in their wills, often allotting a monthly stipend to be paid to them (Beeta, 2024). Princess Taj-al-Saltana’s memoir shines some light on the power held by the enslaved African nannies. Taj-al-Saltana was picked by the Shah to be engaged to his favorite, but widely hated, son at the age of eight years old. A royal wife objected to this and wanted her own daughter to be engaged to the Qajar prince instead, and the only way to achieve this was by convincing the son’s African nanny. The nanny successfully manipulated the son’s choice despite numerous attempts by the Shah to revert back his decision (Mary, 2019). In fact, the sheer power of the African nannies can be seen through the defiant nature of Taj-al-Saltana in her adult years. Taj-al-Saltana was well educated, which was uncommon for the time, and would challenge traditional views and practices through her activism, advocating for women’s rights. This notion of resistance was instilled in the Taj-al-Saltana by her nanny, who instilled in her the values of independence and defiance (Shireen, 1987). Considering the degree of segregation from the outside world, and the fact that royal women in the palace were rarely educated, Taj-al-Saltana was a remarkable woman for her time.
The story of an African woman sold into slavery at a young age allows us to further understand the traumas experienced by enslaved Africans. This girl, from an East African village, witnessed her parents’ murder by raiders, who kidnapped her and sold her separately from her siblings in Mecca. After being purchased by an Iranian merchant she called Hajji, she was taken to Tehran and given the name Chaman Andam (Grass Figure) because of her tall figure. As a child, she endured several instances of rape and abuse at the hands of Hajji. She was not even treated as a concubine, but rather faced constant exploitation by Hajji. Hajji’s sexual endeavors caused his family to resent the slave girl in return. Chaman Andam would go on to bear the daughter of her master. Despite that, she and her child received no support from Hajji, something that was against Islamic principles. She would marry her daughter off to a construction worker, and would never see her again due to her status. Following the death of her master, she was kicked out of the house and left to fend for herself. The story of Chaman Andam is one of few surviving testimonies that provides an understanding of the lives of enslaved Africans in Iran (Janet, 2009). It illustrates how their circumstances varied considerably depending on their master. While this story is does not mention Iranian royalty, it is highly probable that such instances of rape and abuse did occur within the confinements of the Qajar palaces as well, but was simply suppressed or deleted from history to maintain prestige.
Emancipation
International pressure to suppress the slave trade led the Shah to issue a firman (law) in 1848 to prohibit the importation of slaves through the Persian Gulf. This pressure came mainly from the British government since the 1820s (Bahnaz, 2017). The ownership of slaves and trade of slaves over land was not forbidden, however, which continued for decades. It was common for pilgrims visiting Karbala or Mecca to return with enslaved Africans, where African eunuchs were used to guard the holy sites (Bahnaz, 2017). The prices of slaves in western and southern Arabia were lower than the Persian Gulf due to the closer proximity to East Africa, thus posing a good opportunity for merchants there. Interestingly enough, enslaved Africans who were brought from Mecca were called Hajji or Hajjiyeh, a title given to someone who has completed the pilgrimage to Mecca. A master was obligated to provide certain liberties to his slaves such as the ability to purchase their own freedom (Janet, 2009). In general, slaves were often freed on birthdays or weddings, after which they would remain part of the family either willingly or due to a lack of familial ties. Enslaved individuals could also find manumission through saving enough money to purchase their own freedom. A smarter route towards the end of the 19th century was to appeal to a European envoy to make use of the anti-slavery treaties his country had signed with Iran. Enslaved African concubines were not able to do this as they were legally bound to their masters through a court-recognized temporary marriage, and would find themselves returned back to the household by the authorities. In cases of bad treatment, other enslaved Africans would protest outside of the household, which often prompted court intervention. The court would, in some cases, issue an order to force the sale of the enslaved individual, but since it was socially unacceptable to sell one’s slave, other elites were unlikely to purchase them (Janet, 2009). The enslaved individual now had no choice but to return to their master’s home, and would find themselves in even worse conditions with reduced chances of legal manumission. Female African slaves who rebelled against their masters would simply be kicked out of the house without manumission. Dr. Jakob Polak, an Austrian physician, noted that such servants were often executed “through untold forms of torture” (Janet, 2009). Should the punishment not involve torture, the woman would simply be abandoned. Facing difficult conditions, she would be unlikely to find a job and might resort prostitution to earn a living. The expulsion of an enslaved individual from their master’s home without manumission papers also excluded them from society. Freed slaves lacking such papers were suspected of being runaway slaves, outlaws, and so could not enter society or find an occupation elsewhere (Bahnaz, 2017).
Untold thousands of Africans were kidnapped from their villages in East Africa and sold to Iranian elites, but little has been left to mark their life trajectories. Ownership of enslaved Africans required wealth, and was thus highly sought after by Iran’s royal family as a show of opulence. Enslaved African men were tasked with protecting the royal women from the outside world, while also serving as intermediaries between the Shah and government officials. Enslaved African women were tasked with serving and educating the royal wives and children, at times forming lifelong bonds with the children they reared, while some were exploited as concubines. Enslaved Africans in the palaces of central and northern Iran lived better lives than those on the southern coast, however instances of abuse and banishment were not uncommon. Many Iranians held a paternalistic view of their slaves, often justifying slavery as a means to provide for those they deemed less fortunate, despite the abuses. Although African slaves working in Iranian palaces were able to improve their conditions, opportunities for both genders to seek manumission were limited and difficult to achieve. Following the abolition of slavery in Iran in 1929, most of the African slaves serving in the palaces dispersed around the country, some returning to the southern coast where they disembarked for Arabia or Africa. Those who remained in Iran, either by choice or by force, fully assimilated into Iranian society. African women were able to bear the children of Iranian men, while the opposite was very uncommon. Over time, the descendants of these African slaves fully assimilated into Iranian society. Today they are socially and culturally Iranian, hold Iranian citizenship, and speak Persian as their native tongue.
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