Rawda Alejla
American University of Sharjah
Abstract
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a type of Domestic Violence (DV) directed against a woman by her spouse or sexual partner. Today, IPV remains a widespread problem across the world, affecting over 30% of women globally. The present study considers the case of Nigeria, where the prevalence of IPV remains high, using the method of comparative review for research. It investigates a range of socio-cultural factors, including religion, social structures, and tolerance of IPV. This manuscript argues that IPV poses a serious threat not only to the human rights in the country, but also to the overall state of public health and, as a result, the country’s rate of development. As such, the present study asks, “why and how can the Nigerian government tackle the problem of DV to improve the country’s overall international standing?” By comparing the case of Nigeria with the situation in another African country, Ghana, which has been found more successful in tackling the issue of IPV, the authors argue that in addressing these issues in the near future, Nigeria has the possibility to close its gender gap and improve the rates of political, economic and social development both nationally and as a global player. The summary concludes that to begin addressing the issues, a complex set of measures is required, including the introduction of DV law, expansion of police and healthcare professionals’ functions in managing cases of IPV, and campaigns to raise public awareness of the issue.
Keywords: intimate partner violence, gendered violence, human rights, public health, Nigeria
Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in Nigeria: Need for Governmental Action
Introduction
The problem of DV has long been a point of concern for researchers, politicians, and human rights advocates internationally. While the definitions of DV, as well as intimate partner violence, tend to vary depending on the context. one of the commonly accepted ones was suggested by the World Health Organization (WHO), defining it as “the range of sexually, psychologically and physically coercive acts used against adult and adolescent women by a current or former male partner” (Bishwajit & Yaya, 2018, p. 22). While the term “domestic violence” may also concern abuse directed not just at a woman by her partner, but at children or elderly, this paper focuses on the specific aspect of DV known as “intimate partner violence” (IPV). As per the United Nations Organization (UNO), ‘A pattern of behavior in any relationship that is used to gain or maintain power and control over an intimate partner is referred to as Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) (UNO, 2024). Various researchers suggested there are sociological theories underlying the problem of IPV.
Concerning rates of DV and, specifically, intimate partner violence, in various countries across the world consistently result in severe physical harm and mutilation, miscarriages among pregnant women, and deaths. In 2020, according to the UN report “The World’s Women 2020,” IPV was the most common form of abuse on a global scale: about 18% of women reported experiencing this form of violence in the period of the last 12 months (Donmez, 2020). However, many where women remain the primary victims. In Nigeria, the rates are especially concerning. Studies estimate that between 11% and 59% of women, depending on the region, have experienced IPV (Olofinbiyi et al., 2013). Nigeria currently ranks 128th on the Global Gender Gap Index, reflecting persistent inequalities in education, political participation, and healthcare (World Economic Forum, 2020). Cultural factors—such as strict patriarchal traditions, religious interpretations, and social tolerance of violence—contribute to the persistence of IPV. Even prominent Nigerian writers like Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie have highlighted domestic violence as a pressing cultural issue, as reflected in her novel Purple Hibiscus (Adichie, 2012). In the book, the author attributed the issue of DV to “strict cultural norms, religious fanaticism, and colonial education” (Washaly, 2018, p. 2063). Indeed, the Nigerian government’s lasting indifference towards the high rates of DV and IPV in the country creates a strong negative impact on the overall levels of gender equality in Nigeria. By addressing these issues in the near future, the country has the potential to close its gender gap and improve political, economic, and social development both nationally and as a global player. Hence, the study aims to evaluate the reasons and procedures by which the Nigerian government can tackle the problem of DV to improve the country’s overall international standing. By comparing the case and policies of Nigeria with that of Ghana to protect women, the present study contends that in the near future, Nigeria has the likelihood to close its gender gap and improve the growth rates of political, economic, and social development at both the national level and as a global player.
Research Methodology
The paper employs a comparative review of secondary sources to analyze intimate partner violence in Nigeria and learn from Ghana’s experience. Academic articles, reports, and policy papers were carefully selected to provide evidence for the arguments made throughout the discussion. The search has been conducted using various combinations of keywords, including “domestic violence,” “intimate partner violence,” “Nigeria,” “policy,” and “legislation” ensuring that the review captured both legal and social dimensions of the issue.
In addition, several papers on the case of Ghana and its handling of domestic and intimate partner violence are included to provide a comparison with Nigeria’s case. Studies of Ghana’s policies and social responses to IPV were also included. Most of the works come from peer-reviewed articles published in respectable academic journals such as, The International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, American Journal of Public Health, Gender and Behaviour and International Journal of Gynecology and Obstetrics. In addition, the paper incorporates recent human rights reports, like those from the UN and WHO. The comparative method allows the paper to describe Nigeria’s challenge while highlighting what can be learned from Ghana’s progress. In this way, the research design maintain the focus practical, showing evidence toward real policy change.
Literature Review
Definitions of Domestic Violence (DV) and Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)
The term “domestic violence” is associated with a range of definitions, each depending on the cultural and sociological context. Some scholars describe it broadly as any abusive treatment of one family member by another (Titilayo, Ehindero, & Omisakin, 2014), while others focus on its gendered dimensions, emphasizing the violence women face from male partners (Bishwajit & Yaya, 2018). For the purpose of this study, IPV is understood as a specific form of DV in which the woman is the target of this violence within intimate relationships, the combination of these two definitions is relevant to the subject of the paper.
Today, the problem of DV and IPV is widespread across the globe. One in three women reports experiencing it at some point in their lives, with devastating consequences such as injury, miscarriage, and even death (UNO, 2020). The problem of IPV can be seen as particularly worrisome in connection to the death rate. According to The World’s Women (2020), roughly one in three women experience it at some point in their lives, with a similar share reporting incidents within just the past year. The impact can be devastating, leading to injuries, miscarriages, and even death. The case of Nigeria demonstrates relatively high rates of gendered DV taking place across the country, prevalence rates range from 11% to nearly 59% depending on the region (Olofinbiyi et al., 2013). In Ghana, rates also remain high, but the adoption of a Domestic Violence Act in 2007 has provided a clearer legal framework for protection. This contrast between the two countries offers insight into how definitions and legal recognition matter: while both nations face similar cultural pressures, Ghana’s stronger legislative response has given IPV greater visibility as a public issue.
Factors in IPV in Nigeria
Researchers highlight a combination of factors contributing to the high rates of DV or IPV in Nigeria. Religion is often cited as influential. As Koziel (2017) points out, religion plays a role in the prevalence of domestic abuse in Nigeria. In particular, the researcher suggests that there is a “strong interpretation of Shari’a and Islamic thought concerning the social meanings ascribed to gender, female identity and man-woman relations within the family and community” (p. 46). More specifically, the study underlines the role of Shari’a law in defining the man’s right to control the lives of women who are a part of his family, including wives and daughters, which can be “interpreted as contributing to the common acceptance and prevalence of several forms of violence against women” in Nigeria (Koziel, 2017, p. 46).
Oluwole, Onwumelu, and Okafor (2020), found that among many factors contributing to high levels of IPV in Nigeria are women who experienced witnessing parental violence, male partner’s alcohol consumption, and partner having other sexual partners (p. 2). Another factor outlined by the research on gender-based DV in Nigeria is the level of women’s acceptance of violence directed at them, justified by socio-cultural norms. One study found that while 31.22 % of women in Nigeria have reported experiencing at least one form of DV, the tolerance reported by female respondents was estimated at 44.13 %, suggesting a significant relationship between gender-based DV and women’s attitude to it (Titilayo et al., 2014, p. 6420). Similarly, a study by Okenwa-Emegwa et al. (2016) revealed that women in Nigeria were more likely to justify IPV than men. In addition, Linos et al., (2013) found that the majority of women in Nigeria who have been exposed to violence did not seek help to stop further violence against them, which can be considered another important factor playing a role in consistently high rates of DV across the country (p. 214).
Some of the specific examples illustrating the implications of the problem of gender-based DV concern the prevalence of IPV targeted against pregnant women in Nigeria, as well as lack of access to contraception as an outcome of violence. Olofinbiyi et al. (2013) noted that nearly one-fifth of Nigerian women have experienced pregnancy-related violence; moreover, a stronger correlation was found between IPV and adolescent marriage. Similarly, Abasiubong et al. (2010) pointed out that IPV was linked to “damaging effects such as miscarriages, placental abruption leading to birth asphyxia/ death, and postpartum depression” (p. 892). On the other hand, other research revealed a connection between IPV and women’s lack of access to contraception in Nigeria. Bishwajit and Yaya (2018) found that women who experienced abuse from a spouse or intimate partner had a higher risk of not using any contraception which was, in turn, linked to higher health risks for women. Furthermore, Kupoluyi (2020) found that women who experienced any type of IPV were 1.28 times less likely to use contraception. These findings underline how IPV not only endangers women’s immediate safety but also undermines their reproductive health.
Current Legislation in Nigeria
Nigeria lacks a federal law criminalizing DV and IPV, although some regions have enacted local legislation. One such case is the adoption of the Prohibition Against DV Law of Lagos in 2007, which aimed to fix the inadequacies in the legal system that ignored cases of DV. In particular, the law implied the expansion of laws that constitute legislation on DV, ensuring protective orders for the victims and creating strict guidelines for authorities in order to provide enhanced protection (Ojigho, 2009).
In contrast, Ghana is among the few countries in the West African region to adopted federal legislation criminalizing DV in 2007. The DV Act was passed by Ghana, thus making the country one of the states in the region battling with such violence on a government level. Nevertheless, the case of Ghana is similar to that of Nigeria on a cultural level, as the research indicates that the attitudes of politicians towards such a law was initially negative, with many expressing concern “with maintaining the status quo within the family” (Hodzic, 2009, p. 351). Today, despite the laws being in place, most cases of DV are not reported to the police, which Issahaku (2016) connects with the lack of trust in police among the citizens and women in particular (p. 73).
As far as policies extend beyond lawmaking. Madu (2015) points out that the problem of DV is directly linked to women’s health and rights and slows national development, arguing that addressing DV could improve not only social outcomes but also Nigeria’s international standing (p. 280). Based on the brief overview of the policies in place in Nigeria and Ghana, it can be argued that the adoption of DV legislation on a federal level will not be enough. Issahaku (2016), in an analysis of possible successful actions to curb DV, argues that “there is the need to look beyond the legislative framework in the search for measures to address DV” (p. 74). The researcher proposes actions, including creating a National Taskforce on Domestic Violence (NATDV) prioritize the issue. He further highlights the role of religious leaders in challenging cultural acceptance of DV, increased media coverage to shift public perceptions, and greater government investment in training and recruiting social workers to support survivors (pp. 75–77).
Together, the cases of Nigeria and Ghana suggest that while legislation is necessary, it is insufficient without cultural change, institutional reform, and community-level action.
Discussion
DV and IPV: An Overview of Theories
As briefly discussed previously, intimate partner violence across the world represents a type of DV, signifying abuse or threat of abuse against a woman based on gender factors, typically by her spouse or other intimate partner. Today, various theories have been proposed by the academic outlining factors that play a role in the prevalence of gender-based DV or IPV. Lawson (2012), for example, makes a specific distinction between feminist theories and family violence theories of IPV, arguing that these two approaches highlight different aspects of this phenomenon. According to the researcher, the feminist perspective on IPV is based on the idea that “[I]ntimate partner violence is fundamentally a gender issue that cannot be adequately understood through any lens that does not include gender as the central component of analysis” (p. 579). The critic further proposes that family violence theories, by contrast, stress inter-personal relationships and various dependency mechanisms, including finance and housing, while feminist theories emphasize historical patriarchal domination over as a factor in IPV manifestations. In this light, Lawson (2012) also argues that IPV is more commonly linked to cases of sexual violence, ranging from harassment to rape, which is uncommon in other types of family violence (p. 581). Other researchers, looking at the specific factors in IPV, highlight the possible impact on this issue on public health, “including demonstrated degradation of myriad markers of morbidity (e.g., physical, sexual/reproductive, psychological/ behavioral impacts) and mortality” (Heyman et al., 2015, p. 66). When looking at the two theories of gender violence, the feminist approach appears relevant in the case of Nigeria, where gender inequality is rooted in long-going culture of gender discrimination enforced by the patriarchal and religious traditions of Nigerian society. By contrast, in Ghana, despite the adoption of progressive DV legislation, patriarchal norms also persist, showing that legal frameworks alone do not eliminate the deeper cultural and gender-based roots of IPV. Furthermore, Madu (2015) states that the prevalence of IPV may affect a country’s development pace affecting mortality rates, pregnancy security, as well as access to contraception to curb the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, all of which can be negatively affected by IPV (p. 280). The critic, therefore, concludes that “Gender violence and inequality also lead to inefficient allocation of resources and the reduction of economic growth” (p. 282). This development theory is particularly important while considering the case of Nigeria, where the lack of gender equality and resulting gender-based violence negatively affects the overall national development, including difficulties in the healthcare sphere as will be demonstrated throughout the essay, as well as other key areas. Whereas, in the case of Ghana, similar debates have connected gender-based violence with broader questions of governance and social development, reinforcing the argument that tackling IPV contributes to long term national stability.
Further, a range of research outlines the current prevalence of IPV on the global scale and in Nigeria specifically. Gracia (2014) pointed out that the prevalence of IPV across the world was estimated at 30% globally and at 23% in high-income countries, reinforcing the link between the development of economy, gender inequality, and human rights violations (p. 380). In 2012, a large-scale study in the European Union found that the rate of IPV experience among women in 28 countries ranged on average between 12%, such as in Spain, and 31%, such as in Latvia. The rate was significantly higher in developing countries, with IPV reaching a prevalence of 40% in Brazil, 50% in Samoa, rural Bangladesh, and Tanzania, and 61% in urban Peru (Heyman et al., 2015, p. 65). In Nigeria, as previously mentioned, the rate of intimate partner violence was estimated between 11 % and 58.9 % depending on the region (Olofinbiyi et al., 2013, p. 1). Both regional diversity and systemic vulnerability in the region. Similarly, despite Ghana’s adoption of the federal DV Act in 2007, high prevalence persists, noting that legislation alone is insufficient without cultural and institutional change.
Causes and Patterns of Intimate Partner Violence in Nigeria
With the high prevalence of IPV in Nigeria itself, it is important to take a closer look at the factors that explain why the rates remain high. To begin with, there exists a comprehensive discussion of the possible socio-cultural factors that contribute to the prevalence of IPV in Nigeria, ranging from religious tradition to overall tolerance of partner violence among Nigerian women themselves.
Religion, indeed, appears to be one of the most discussed factors of IPV in the country, in light of the population of Nigeria being predominantly Muslim. Here, the religious aspect of gender-based violence in Nigeria can be better explored in comparison with Ghana, where efforts are consistently being made to reduce IPV. When compared in terms of the religious and cultural factors affecting the rates of DV, the key difference seems to lay in the religious composition of the two countries. Ghana has a population of over 25 million people, where 70 % is Christian and 17 % Muslim (Issahaku, 2016, p. 76), while in Nigeria the religious majority is Muslim, with Shari’a law being enforced in 12 states in Northern Nigeria (Linos et al., 2013, p. 149). In turn, in the study of Ghana, Dickson et al. (2020) found that, when compared to Christian women, Muslim women were more likely to approve wife-beating; a similar observation was made in the male sample (n. p.). At the same time, Linos et al. (2013) found that women in Nigeria living in the communities governed by the Shari’a law were less likely to report spousal violence. However, despite the geographical distribution of religious communities in Nigeria, with the Muslim population primarily in the North of the country and the Christian population being predominantly in the South, the geography of gender-based violence in the countries does not seem to align with IPV prevalence. For instance, Benebo et al. (2018) revealed that the prevalence of IPV is inconsistent, “ranging from 42% in the North, 29% in the Southwest, 78.8% South East, to 41% in the South South”. This suggests religion can play a complex role in the prevalence of IPV in African countries, particularly when combined with patriarchal interpretations of religious texts. The same trend appears in Ghana, where Christian-majority areas still report cultural tolerance of IPV—highlighting that patriarchy, not religion, is the deeper driver.
Thus, a study by Koziel (2017) discusses the connections between religion and patriarchal tradition in relation to IPV, arguing that religion itself is not a predictor of intimate partner violence and only becomes one when combined with patriarchal interpretations. The critic argues that “Shari’a cannot justify violence against women, as the problem is not constituted in Islam or Islamic theological texts themselves, but rather, it depends on the misjudgment of Qur’an by conservative Muslim clerics” (Koziel, 2017, p. 46). Taking it further, the researcher concludes that gender-based DV “can be interpreted as state political manipulation of Islam” which benefits the male part of Nigerian population (Koziel, 2017, p. 47). In a different interpretation of the role of religion in IPV, Linos et al. (2013) points out that women living in accordance with Sharia law report IPV more rarely compared to women that do not. This difference is interpreted by the critics suggesting that religious women are more likely to readily fulfill traditional gender roles and, as a result, are less likely to suffer from IPV commonly “motivated by a desire to “punish” transgression” (p. 153). Based on these examples, it can be argued that IPV is, indeed, linked to religion in Nigeria, however, indirectly, being a consequence of traditional patriarchal relations that are founded on the notions of religion, law, and custom sustain IPV in both Nigeria and Ghana. In the same way, other critics also point to the role of deep gender inequality in Nigeria as a factor in IPV prevalence. Madu (2015) argues that gender-based violence in Africa as a whole should be seen “Africa in terms of persistent gender inequality” (p. 281), which appears to be particularly consistent with the feminist theories of gender-based violence. The researcher stresses that today, most cases of gender-based DV in Africa are attributed to “cultural violence”, as opposed to the “culture of violence” in which violence is culturally accepted as a way of dispute resolution. This means that “violence is often a show of masculinity” aimed to demonstrate that men’s power over women and other men, as well (Madu, 2015, p. 281). Thus, consistent with the feminist view explains why IPV patriarchal structure is a powerful factor of violence in Nigeria despite its legal or religious differences.
IPV often tend to describe a cycle of tension, violence, and remorse (Gomez-Casillas, Lozano, & Rentería, 2021). Over time, this cycle deepens survivors’ psychological distress, eroding self-confidence and reinforcing dependence on the abuser. The mental health consequences are serious in Nigeria, where stigma and limited access to counseling services leave women with few supports. Ghana faces similar barriers, as underreporting and cultural norms of silence enable the cycle of abuse to continue despite formal legal protections.
Further, critics pointed out a broad range of socio-cultural factors in IPV in Nigeria. A study by Okenwa-Emegwa et al. (2016) found that social “empowerment indicators, such as education, literacy, employment, and family financial stability may be a protective factor against IPV, corroborating some data from the Sub-Saharan context” (p. 525). Another key factor outlined by several critics of IPV prevalence in Nigeria is the socio-cultural norms and attitudes to gender-based violence and acceptance of such among women themselves, which also seems to be the case with Ghana (Dickson et al., 2020, n. p.). Moreover, Titilayo, Ehindero and Omisakin (2014) argue that over 30% of women in Nigeria have reported experiencing at least one form of DV; at the same time, the level of tolerance to such violence among women was as high as 44.13% (p. 6420). The researchers attributed the variation in attitudinal behavior towards violence against women among various groups of women to “disparity in educational attainment and other socio-economic characteristics between the urban and rural women” (p. 6427). However, Onwumelu and Okafor (2020), despite finding equally high levels of tolerance towards IPV among women in Nigeria, argued that, still, “certain categories of men such as poor, illiterate men, and men with secondary education justified abuse more than women” (p. 1). Thus, the researchers stressed that focusing only on women’s acceptance of IPV overlooks men’s role in normalizing violence. In the case of Ghana, where Dickson et al. (2020) reported that both men and women exhibit tolerance toward IPV, reinforcing the idea that cultural attitudes—rather than gender alone—sustain the problem.
Gomez-Casillas, Lozano, & Rentería, (2021) have recommended the application of the latest pointer for the evaluation of the worldwide inclinations in IPV known as Years Expected to Live with Intimate Partner Violence (YLIPV). This tool indicates the total life span of women, which is expected with the occurrence of IPV in their lives, along with regulating the data based on all countries and races to display the worldwide inequalities and injustices experienced by women and young girls. Applying such indicators could help place Nigeria and Ghana within a global context, highlighting women live are shaped by violence and guiding policymakers toward evidence interventions. Such tools can also reframe IPV not only as individual tragedy but rather measurable public and human rights issue.
IPV and Access to Contraception
One specific manifestation of gendered violence in the family that particularly illustrates the impact of IPV on the overall public health is its negative correlation with women’s access to contraception. Several researchers focused on the detrimental effect of IPV on women’s contraception. For example, Bishwajit and Yaya (2018) discussed this issue extensively in their research, studying over 20,000 Nigerian women: the researchers concluded that the experience of spousal violence among women significantly contributed to their inability to use contraception and maintain their fertility goals (p. 27). A more recent study by Kupoluyi (2020) concluded that women who experienced any form of IPV were 1.28 times more likely to report discontinued contraception while still at risk of being pregnant compared to those who have not experienced IPV in Nigeria (p. 8). To elaborate, these findings illustrates that IPV is not only a matter of safety but also a matter of public health. As discontinued contraception results in higher rates of maternal and child mortality, as well as increases risks of transmission of dangerous diseases such as HIV and AIDS (Kupoluyi, 2020, p. 2). In the case of Ghana, similar patterns bur stronger integration to reproductive health in terms of campaigns into DV as it mitigated the issue. The comparison suggests that Nigeria could benefit from connection IPV interventions with reproductive health initiative as Ghana did rather than addressing them separately.
IPV and Connections to Pregnancy
Another aspect of the general IPV issue is its negative impact on pregnancy, which has also been highlighted by numerous critics. Abasiubong et al. (2010) found that over 20% of pregnant women in Nigeria suffered physical spousal abuse (p. 896). The researcher notes that IPV in the context of pregnancy can have “tremendous pressure on the health care delivery systems, with further worsening of an already high maternal and child mortality rate” (p. 892). In turn, Olofinbiyi et al. (2013) pointed that among the factors contributing to the risk of IPV during pregnancy was the experience of IPV prior to pregnancy; in addition, the risk of IPV in pregnancy was found to be significantly higher among adolescent women (p. 2). Therefore, all the above studies have outlined the contemporary context of IPV in Nigeria, providing specific examples that illustrate the disastrous impact of this phenomenon both on the female population of Nigeria, as well as on the country on the whole, including developmental and economic obstacles. In addition, the studies confirm that IPV is a public health emergency, not only threatening women but also the national health. In the case of Ghana, since DV Act of 2007 maternal health indicators showed slight improvement, but cultural resistance continued to prevent protection. Nigeria in the other hand showed that legislation without cultural transformation would be insufficient.
Existing Policies and Future Recommendations
Today, there is a clear lack of centralized policy to fight DV and, consequently, the intimate partner violence, in Nigeria. The country consists of 36 States, in all of which the laws differ, representing what Ojigho (2009) defines as “a cocktail of distinct and different legal traditions that includes statutory law, Shari’a law, customary law and international law” (p. 87). In 2007, State of Lagos in Nigeria adopted the country’s first Prohibition Against Domestic Violence Law (PADVL). The law outlined the key guidelines for protecting women from DV, including the institutionalization of shelters, introducing protection orders for the victims, and criminal proceedings against the abuser (Ojigho, 2009, pp. 90-91). Despite the fact that the law has been adopted by Lagos, demonstrating Nigeria’s potential to better tackle cases of IPV and other forms of DV, it remains the only such case so far. Although Nigeria has signed International Conventions and passed state-level laws, the implementation was minimal, and Lagos remains the only state with a dedicated DV law.
To provide more context into the legal situation in Nigeria, it is worth turning to the case of Ghana, which is one of the very few states on the continent that introduced a separate DV law in 2007. In line with the bill, victims of domestic abuse may report the incident to the police, as a result of which perpetrators can be arrested and, if found guilty, given a fine or imprisoned, while the victim is guaranteed protection (Issahaku, 2016, p. 66). However, various critics acknowledge that, despite the bill being one of the rarer causes of domestic gendered abuse prevention steps, it remains a controversial subject in the society of Ghana. Issahaku (2016) proposes that such a legal approach is “reactionary and cold”, as it requires victims to put much effort and cost into attempts to find justice, thus preventing many women to stand up for themselves in court in the first place (p. 66). Additionally, Hodzic (2009) finds that the bill was seen as “a site of political struggles over gender, sexuality, and state sovereignty”, as it opened a fierce discussion in the country over the possible abuse of the marital rape clause, demonstrating concerns over the control of women’s sexuality (p. 351). All these concerns are relevant and could be applied to the case of Nigeria where the situation does not appear to be so different. For instance, as a possible solution to the Ghanaian problem with DV, Issahaku (2016) suggests that the solution is manyfold, requiring the expansion of law enforcement efforts to identify and tackle cases of gendered violence, as well as “using social workers instead of the police to support victims of violence, institutionalizing assessment and care for DV victims at the hospital, and setting up funding for DV research” (p. 66).
Further, building on the above suggestions, it can be argued that the prevalence of gender-based violence and IPV in Nigeria itself could also involve more careful medical investigation and subsequent management of the problem by both health professionals and the police. Adeyemi et al. (2008) argued that the awareness of IPV’s impact on women among healthcare professionals in Nigeria was limited, with 38% of cases of IPV not being identified in medical examinations (p. 719). Further, the researchers found that the vast majority of the respondents among medical staff reported having some negative attitudes towards victims of IPV (Adeyemi et al., 2008, p. 719). Hence, the researchers stress the importance of the inclusion of IPV into the medical curriculum in Nigeria, as well as expand the medical workers’ functions in managing cases of domestic gender-based violence in order to contain the public health risks. In a final recommendation, Gracia (2014) pointed out that changing societal attitudes to IPV and changing the rates of justification and tolerance of violence against women is imperative to decreasing the rates of IPV in the country (p. 380). For this, the researcher proposes, a better understanding of public attitudes is needs to be gained through more detailed academic research on IPV.
To address the gap of regulations in protecting women from DV, a central legislative framework must be provided to the National Security Committee to provide enhanced safety. Also, poverty reduction strategies, education, justice, health care plans, and social welfare policies must be modified and implemented to create harmony among the workplaces and residential environment to reduce DV (Ukeje, Ogbulu, & Amaefula, 2023). Instead of fragmented initiatives, what is needed is coordinated action across sectors—justice, health, education, and welfare underpinned by adequate funding and political will. Donnelly & Whelan (2020) stress that raising public awareness and empowering women to exercise their rights must go together with legal and institutional reforms.
Conclusion
To conclude, the problem of domestic gender-based violence, and its specific manifestation – IPV – remains a widespread issue across the world. In Nigeria, where the rates of IPV remain among the highest in the world, this study has shown how patriarchal traditions, religious interpretations, and social tolerance of abuse sustain IPV and deepen its impact on women and society. The comparison with Ghana shows that even when progressive legislation is introduced, weak enforcement and cultural resistance continue to undermine its effectiveness. This highlights that Nigeria would not benefit from legislation alone, but from broader strategies that tackle inequalities and transform social attitudes. Further, these aspects of IPV were illustrated using the specific examples of its impact on pregnancy and the use of contraception, demonstrating a broader problem with public health and, as a result, the country’s overall development. In order to increase preventive mechanisms tackling IPV in Nigeria it requires a comprehensive set of measures, beginning with a legal framework that criminalizes partner abuse, but also extending to educational campaigns that raise awareness among healthcare professionals and the wider population. Framing IPV as both a health and development priority highlights its urgency and the need for sustained society-wide change.
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