Rabab Faisal Khan
American University of Sharjah

Abstract 

This study explores the political participation of the Pakistani diaspora in the UAE, analysing how generational differences, socioeconomic factors, and restrictive UAE laws shape their engagement with homeland politics. Utilizing a mixed-methods approach, the research combines survey responses from 86 participants and observations from community events to examine patterns of transnational political activity. The findings reveal significant generational divides, with older participants demonstrating stronger emotional ties to homeland politics and younger participants favouring online discussions over traditional methods. Socioeconomic disparities also influence participation, with wealthier individuals engaging more actively in lobbying and donations. Despite restrictive UAE laws limiting direct political activism, the diaspora maintains connections to Pakistan through digital platforms and informal networks. These insights contribute to a broader understanding of transnational political engagement and highlight the resilience of diaspora communities in navigating political barriers.

Introduction  

   Over the past three decades, the Pakistani government has officially recognized a diaspora of over 4 million Pakistanis residing abroad. The growth of Pakistani immigrants in countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Norway has significantly shaped local Pakistani politics, particularly following the 2018 elections. However, there is a crater in research regarding studying the political engagement of those residing in the UAE. This research investigates how Pakistani immigrant diaspora communities engage in transnational politics, encompassing lobbying, activism, protests, and support for homeland issues spanning international borders.

   The research question driving this senior project is: “How do Pakistani immigrants participate in their home country’s politics, and what impact does that participation have?” This question is particularly relevant to International Studies as it examines the intersection of migration, political science, and international relations. By investigating how the Pakistani diaspora in the UAE engages in political processes from abroad, and assessing the different styles of engagement, the study aims to shed light on the broader phenomenon of transnational political behaviour among migrant communities. It will also explore how these political activities influence both the host country and Pakistan, contributing to the growing academic discourse on the role of immigrants in shaping political dynamics across borders. This research will also refer to recent political activities and movements that took place outside of Pakistan to grasp the strength of the diaspore and their motives regarding the elections. Moreover, the study aims to answer if there is a difference in engagement across generations. 

   Examining the impact of overseas citizens on their home country’s politics holds immense importance for several key reasons. It promotes political representation, ensuring that individuals living abroad have a voice in the decision-making processes that affect them, their families, and their future. Additionally, immigrants’ influence can be significant as their role as cultural ambassadors can foster international understanding and cooperation, bridging the gap between the host and the national country.

   As we navigate an increasingly interconnected world, recognizing and comprehending the influence of overseas citizens becomes ever more vital for fostering inclusivity, representation, and effective governance in an evolving global landscape. Hence, with this interpretive research, our findings can assist not only the Pakistani government but other governments as well in the importance and effective political management of their immigrants. 

Literature Review

Transnational Political Engagement

   Expatriate political involvement denotes the acts of people, who belong to a given country, and who take part in their home country’s politics while temporarily residing in another country. This tendency is prevalent among the Pakistani migrant population and other diasporas. Guarinzo, Portes, and Haller (2003) argue that immigrants maintain political ties with their home country to manipulate the political system, which is supported by national identity, concern for the home country’s development, and a desire to contribute to its development.

  Rainer Bauböck’s work explores similar themes, focusing on the intersection of transnational political activism between home and host country politics. Unlike Guarnizo, Portes, and Haller’s (2003) cases, which provide detailed qualitative insights into transnational political activity, Bauböck offers a broader theoretical framework. While less detailed, Bauböck’s (2003) approach is more universally applicable and replicable across various diasporas. This general framework serves as a valuable foundation for understanding the political participation of the Pakistani diaspora. Yet my work will be more narrowly focused on how these universal theories play out within the socio-political context of the UAE, a host country with restrictive political participation policies. Building on this theme, Sökefeld (2006) provides a theoretical exploration of how social movements operate within transnational contexts, presenting the diaspora as “protest theatres” where collective actions are undertaken to influence change in their home countries. By applying the social movement paradigm to diaspora formation and activities, Sökefeld emphasizes the role of identity as a key driver of collective entrepreneurship and primary assets. This framework is particularly useful for this study as it highlights how identity shapes the political engagement and activism of diasporic communities, offering insights into the motivations behind their participation. Building on this perspective, Marta Erdal (2016) examines the interplay between the Pakistani state’s diaspora engagement policies and the transnational citizenship practices of Pakistani migrants. Her work reveals a mismatch between the policies aimed at promoting voter enfranchisement among overseas Pakistanis and the actual behaviours and perceptions of these migrants. This is especially relevant for the study as it underscores the gaps between state initiatives and diaspora realities, providing a nuanced understanding of the barriers and opportunities within transnational political participation.

   Erdal (2016) emphasizes the need to better understand and recognize transnational citizenship, which encompasses both formal legal and political participation as well as informal activities that maintain migrants’ connection to their home country. In contrast, Sökefeld (2006) highlights the role of collective identity in driving diaspora movements. However, Erdal points out the challenges posed by state regulations that often conflict with migrant practices, suggesting that political engagement is more complex than what identity alone can explain. This highlights a tension between identity-based mobilization and the practical constraints imposed by official policies. Erdal (2016) does not address how different generations of immigrants perceive these policies, this absence calls into question the general applicability of her findings to other demographic groupings in the diaspora. Ayesha A. Qaisrani (2020) contributes to this by examining Pakistan’s formal approach to engaging its diaspora in national politics. Her research focuses on the bureaucratic institutions and processes that allow Pakistanis living abroad to participate in politics. According to Qaisrani, the Pakistani government has initiated political participation of the Pakistani diaspora by enfranchising overseas Pakistanis, establishing diaspora councils such as those in the UAE (Pakistani Association in Dubai), and mobilising through social media. Such measures seek to monetise the diaspora’s political and economic power, hence strengthening the relationship between Pakistan and its diaspora people (Qaisrani, 2020). While both Erdal (2016) and Qaisrani (2020) investigate the significance of formal political formations in diaspora engagement; however, none analyses the expanding influence of social media in shaping political activism among younger generations of migrants. Future research should therefore focus on how digital platforms are used to enable cross-border political participation. A cocktail of social movements, state policies, and ordinary citizenship activities influenced the transnational political involvement of Pakistani migrants. The various factors affecting Pakistani political engagement in the UAE, and the multifaceted picture of Pakistani political engagement in the UAE, are answered by Sökefeld’s (2006) social movements paradigm and the comparison of the mismatch between policy and practice by Erdal (2016). While states like Pakistan want to leverage diaspora influence, the reality of engagement is more complex and eventually necessitates more flexible, inclusive policies to accommodate varied migrant experiences.

Pakistani Diaspora in the UAE

   According to Shah (2017), over 1.3 million Pakistanis are believed to be living in the UAE. This large population participates in political processes in a variety of ways, including voting in Pakistan’s elections, providing money to political parties, and engaging in social media activism. Aside from the community’s efforts, the Pakistani government has taken similar steps to promote its diaspora by giving them voting rights and involving them in political activities through consulates and other community-based organisations (Qaisrani, 2022). There are emerging signs of increased political activity among the Pakistani population in the UAE, including the formation of new political parties and the establishment of forums dedicated to discussing political issues affecting Pakistan. The reason is that has been very open with its rules about allowing expatriates to maintain ties with their home countries, whichever the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is (Rizvi et al., 2019). Qaisrani (2022) states that the policies of Pakistan do engage the diaspora but as I have suggested, these policies do not robustly consider socioeconomic disparities within the Pakistani population of UAE, thereby resulting in lesser effectiveness of these policies.  Michael Herb (2009) provides an in-depth analysis of the UAE’s political and bureaucratic structures, highlighting the limited opportunities for expatriates, particularly Pakistanis, to engage in formal politics. However, he notes that despite these bureaucratic challenges, Pakistanis have found ways to participate politically and economically through informal networks and community organizations. Herb emphasizes the importance of understanding the bureaucracy around which the Pakistani diaspora operates. Ahmad (2019) examines the depth of the Pakistani diaspora’s integration into UAE society, which has played a huge part in the country’s building, health care and education industries. Ahmad observes that while the Pakistani community in the UAE does not formally engage in politics, it participates in various political activities that influence local policy. The Group for International Development Studies (GIDS, 2024) explores the demographic and socioeconomic profiles, cultural practices, and economic contributions of Pakistanis in the UAE. It also examines their role in fostering cultural ties between Pakistan and the UAE and their integration into community organizations. These sources address the bureaucratic barriers, sociopolitical engagement, and economic impact of the community.

   There are several implications of the political participation of Pakistani immigrants towards Pakistan. Money from other sources can play a very important role, especially in funding election campaigns, resources that may not be easily accessed locally. In the same way, the diaspora can take an active part in shaping political agenda and decisions on matters, which concern the immigrants and Pakistan. Such participation may enhance political consciousness and political action among the residents in Pakistan, given that they follow the diaspora’s actions (Erdal 2016). Transnational social media highlighted by Córdova and Hiskey (2015) explains how overseas voters’ political activism impacts local politicians in Pakistan. Similarly, Mary Hunter (2021) a scholar focusing on the social life of Pakistanis in the UK finds out that due to the ability of the Pakistanis in the UK to act as cultural ambassadors and provide diplomacy functions, the soft power capital of Pakistan is increased. This adds another comparative case to understand how the level of active political participation in a country is shaped by the legal and political structures respectively in a Western nation. The UK can also afford openness of political processes and a subject’s possibility to lobby or represent in political means, unlike the UAE where political processes are tightly restricted. Considering such differences is useful when discussing the subject of my research as it allows for presenting the general framework and analysis of the specific characteristics of political engagement among diasporas with account for the specifics of structural and political approaches in the UAE for the Pakistani people. In their article (2020) Ayesha Masood Chaudhry and Muhammad Bilal studied the political rights of Pakistani dual citizens, and they stated that although dual citizenship has its economic benefits it questions their political allegiance. In their research, they explain that dual citizens participate in domestic politics through activism to spur transnational political change Pakistani political actors in the diaspora space can be a boon or bane: they bring money to Pakistan, but their lobbying can cause political upheaval by seeking to effect changes that may not sit well internally. Ahmad also cautions on the benefits of the diaspora; he acknowledges that it is a double-edged sword. Likewise, Umer Karim (2024) also discussed the important socio-political functions of the Pakistan diaspora in improving the political and security ties between Pakistan and Gulf states. According to Karim, in this context, the diaspora plays an intermediary role, which greatly enhances Pakistan’s political position and enhances its security agreements.

Impact on the Host Country

   Even though across-sea nationals are barred from participating within the country, Pakistani immigrants play a significant role in the UAE’s political picture. Political activities within the Pakistani community in the UAE can sometimes attract increased government scrutiny, which may, paradoxically, strengthen community cohesion linked to multiculturalism. Jamal, Rizvi, and Shaikh (2019) examine the potential conflicts that may arise from this dynamic, while Østergaard-Nielsen (2003) acknowledges these conflicts but emphasizes the potential for political engagement to enhance civic life. Rizvi, Jamil, and Shaikh (2019) counter that, government scrutiny and suppression of political activity follow such engagement in the UAE. This point is central to my research as it discovers in looking at how Pakistani immigrants grapple with these contradictory pressures. Rizvi et al remind us that politically active communities are susceptible to scrutiny from the host government. In response to this theory, Østergaard-Nielsen shows that the host society itself may cause this conflict. According to Leonard (2000), Pakistani migrants in the UAE are subjected to similar dynamics of their political participation, as they are shaped by their cultural identities, and the cultural norms shape their political participation. Errichiello (2022) examines middle-class Pakistani migrants in Dubai, showing how they make sense of plural settings while constructing barriers to social integration. Additionally, Platt’s (2014) exploration of assimilation agrees with and mirrors the same in his findings and raises questions concerning the potential for Pakistani migrants in a transient status to fully integrate.  In their discussion of Dubai as a ‘transit lounge’ for many expatriates, Errichiello (2018) does echo Platt’s (2017) fears that the process of assimilation may not be easy in such ephemeral environments. Even though the Pakistani diaspora is not formally involved in political activities and lobbying according to Usman Ahmad (2019) they participate in informal activities and lobbying through community organizations. This literature is helpful for the study as it offers both conceptual and background paradigms that could be used for the understanding and explanation of the political activity of Pakistani migrants in the UAE. Rizvi et al. argue that politically active communities could be vulnerable to crackdowns by host governments, and Østergaard-Nielsen warned that host societies themselves may be involved in conflicts Thus useful to apply Rizvi et al.’s and Østergaard-Nielsen’s ideas about constraints for Pakistani migrants. Leonard (2000) gives an understanding of how culture impacts and/or informs the political process which is important for understanding the impact of Pakistan culture on their political actions in UAE. Errichiello’s (2022) analysis of middle-class Pakistani migrants in Dubai shows concerns about the integration of a plural society which is like Platt’s (2014) on the issues of assimilation in a transient context which Dubai again represented as a ‘transit lounge.’ Altogether these studies contribute to explaining the ways and dimensions of structural and societal marginalization in determining the diaspora’s political participation. In addition, lobbying through community organization and informal politicking also highlighted by Usman Ahmad (2019) provides a practical aspect to the discussion. Together, this body of work improves my knowledge of the diaspora’s political conduct, challenges, and opportunities to engage in politics, either formally or informally within the UAE context. 

   Shah (2017) enumerated also the significance of the Pakistani people to keep their connection to the Motherland. Comparing the integration of Pakistani migration in Britain with what obtains in the UAE, Errichiello (2021) points out that many people move around in the UAE in search of better living in other countries thus they do not fully integrate. Ahmad focuses on the informal advocacy of the migrants, while Errichiello doubts the viability of the political activities in the framework of Dubai where the population is temporary. In the same vein, Heath and Demireva (2013) consider multicultural issues pointing to the relevance of these arguments for Pakistani migrants in the UAE. Taukeer (2022) also points out that even though the SA migrants contribute greatly regarding the socioeconomics of the receiving country, the process of assimilation to SA cultural values poses a great struggle for them. Platt (2014-p. 76, 79) stated that due to this non-integration, the migrants are locked out of politics and remain socially welcomed but not fully accepted by the larger host community based on their political role. This further divides economic contributions versus acceptance as the UAE pays lip service to temporary migration, credits contributions and often fails to bring the temporary into formal political engagement as well as cultural assimilation. Taken together, these studies bring into focus the complicated travails of political engagement, incorporation and identity formation among the Pakistani diaspora in the UAE and show how their contributions can tie into and how far they fall short of social and political inclusion. The discrepancy between informal political involvement and official exclusion highlights a broader issue for Pakistani migrants: The UAE’s economic and social framework is navigable by them, but their full integration with the UAE is limited, especially considering insecure or fragile legal status. This pattern of political engagement in informal contexts parallels larger patterns in transnational migration involving economically vital migrants who remain politically marginalized. However, according to the literature, despite the vibrancy of the political participation of the Pakistani diaspora, the former’s transient status, as well as the political structures of the host nation restrict their participation in politics.

Gaps in the Literature

   While there is a large amount of data that highlights Pakistani immigrants; there is a crater in understanding their political participation, especially regarding how their engagement affects the electoral process and the political arena in Pakistan (Erdal, 2016; Qaisrani, 2020). Research works emphasizing changes in political leadership within the diaspora are important in understanding the extent and nature of changes that constant participation brings about in terms of political behaviour. Further, while analysing the official political parties, Qaisrani (2020) and Erdal (2016) fail to consider the impact of social media in embodying new political activism among immigrant offspring. Subsequent studies can consider how emerging technologies in social media enable cross-country politics and how effectively younger Pakistanis living in other countries are organizing behind political initiatives. However, there is still much to learn about the influence on Pakistan itself. There is a need for further systematic study into what ways diaspora actions work to affect domestic political dynamics, especially through informing and shaping the Pakistan-origin population’s political consciousness and actions. Furthermore, the position of the host country (UAE in this case) towards politically active immigrant communities has not been studied in detail. In a wider sense, the Gulf is also significantly underrepresented in transnational and diaspora politics literature. The vast majority of the currently available research on the Pakistani migrants concentrates on countries of Western democracy, like the United Kingdom, Canada, or Norway, ignoring the application of restrictive political frameworks and the limitation of migration flows to sponsorship by the country authorities in the Gulf states, which recovers the civic participation. This gap is important in light of the processes through which political participation is realized within non-democratic settings where formal activism is curtailed.

   Additionally, the host country’s position, particularly the UAE’s approach towards politically active immigrant communities, has not been thoroughly studied. Briefly, Rizvi, Jamil, and Shaikh (2019) mention the scrutiny these communities have to face but not the details of how UAE policies change their response to diaspora activities. These regulations may be analysed to learn something about a larger social environment that affects Pakistani migrants. Moreover, comparative interaction with other contexts within the Gulf such as Qatar, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia, is not an area of development. More regional emphasis would lead to a deeper appreciation of the role of various state policies and sociocultural hierarchies in shaping the lines of diaspora political expression within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).

   Second-generation immigrants’ political participation is also an interesting field of research to be taken into consideration. Previous studies have predominantly focused on first-generation migrants (Ahmad, 2019; Shah, 2017), therefore it is important to understand how first and second-generation Pakistanis differ in political engagement and motivation. This research could benefit by revealing changing patterns of engagement and identity formation within the diaspora and wider writer communities. My research study seeks to produce a significant contribution towards a more nuanced understanding of how Pakistani immigrants are involved in cross-border political processes. This study addresses these gaps by situating Pakistani diaspora political mobilization in the untested Gulf context, using the United Arab Emirates case to demonstrate how contextual and generational dynamics intersect under oppressive politics.

Thesis Statement

   This paper discusses the influence of the generational gap, socioeconomic status, and the repressive political climate of the United Arab Emirates on the political participation of the diaspora in the United Arab Emirates. It states that although there are few opportunities to engage in formal politics, the members of diasporas maintain transnational political relationships with the help of the digital sphere and informal networks and events. This study addresses a gap in much of literature based largely in the west, and through foregrounding of generational differences in a gulf context, it provides a subtle insight into the learning of political participation by constraining circumstances.

Research Methodology

   The research in this study uses a thorough mixed-method design involving primary and secondary sources of quantitative and qualitative socio-political data, including identifying relevant transnational political activities conducted between members residing in the UAE. This is one way to grasp the complexity of political participation among Pakistani immigrants in terms of overarching tendencies and individual narratives. Furthermore, this method is well-positioned to address the research question and relevant theoretical engagements that are context-bound or discursive (Clark et al., 2021). The importance of a synthesis between thematic and narrative analysis enables the creation of in-depth descriptions which allows to capture qualitatively more detailed motivations and barriers behind transnational political participation. This allows for an examination of how social contexts shape individual actions and behaviors through discourses that give them meaning and situate them within broader social structures. An open-ended self-complete survey will be conducted on Pakistani expats in the UAE asking about their political participation in Pakistan. This was followed by analyses of observational data collected from community events, including on-campus activities at the American University of Sharjah (AUS) and an off-campus event hosted by the Pakistani Association in Dubai, to examine key themes and patterns of political and civic engagement in real time. Surveys enabled to capture generational differences through statistical analysis, whereas observations will direct the potential role of social contexts within political turnouts. Lastly, it was followed by an analytical comparison of the results with what situation emerged from broader literature mapped out through secondary sources.

Data Collection and Sources

   Surveys were used as dual-purpose tools to collect both qualitative and qualitative data. These forms will be created on Google Forms (Appendix Table 1) and will be disseminated in online groups and communities like WhatsApp, Facebook and Telegram, addressing the Pakistani immigrant population. It measured the scale of political participation, different kinds thereof, generational differences and hurdles encountered. In terms of quality, open questions will enable participants to articulate reasons and explanations as well as supply idiosyncratic narrative data. It was especially effective when shared far and wide through immigrant community groups on social media. Researchers have pointed to social media surveys as a crucial mechanism for reaching and appreciating the social dynamics of immigrant communities (Ahmed et al, 2021). The surveys were distributed to collect quantitative and qualitative data over the remainder of the semester while participant observation will occur during the same timeline. While the surveys sought to provide a general statistical snapshot, participant observation will augment this by enabling insights specific to the context that can hone in on how political participation perhaps more intricately unfolds at ground level. Although this method is supposed to provide a much fuller picture, response rates and access could become problematic. To combat this, surveys were through various community networks as mentioned previously and through a compilation of events attended so that the responses are spread over a long range.

   Following this method, participant observation was conducted to obtain a real-time understanding of appearances and the variegated fields of political/civic engagement (Appendix Table 2). This approach consisted of watching community events, both on and off campus, that offered a perspective on local political engagement and were practised informally. Following the work of Ross & Ross (1974) who showed that participant observation is useful to understand political activism in a real-time context, this research aims to employ participant observation to examine how Pakistani immigrant communities in UAE organize political activities, and how these interactions operate to shape broader political engagement patterns. This framework facilitates the examination of transnational political engagement within the context of everyday social interactions.

   Using survey and participant observation approaches painted a full picture of political participation. While surveys are broad in statistical terms, participant observation is very specific and qualitative. Based on methods synergies and best practices in mixed methods approaches in the study of political phenomena this combination ensures that all datasets are fully exploited (Tzagkarakis & Kritas, 2023). 

Data Analysis and Feasibility

   The analysis is based on secondary and primary data with the study collecting primary data from surveys and participant observation to get a firsthand perspective. Previous research by Ahmed et al. (2021) employing surveys demonstrated that social media was the key channel for empowering political participation in immigrant communities using a survey. Based on the same approach, collecting both quantitative data on the number of participation rates and qualitative underpinning of motivations and barriers of Pakistani immigrants in the UAE through the survey can be used in this study. This study will also be used to gather secondary data on the research question. The resources available for this research, digital survey tools and attendance at community events factor in. Skills like survey design, data analysis and ethnographic observation are firmly based on my prior experience as a student and research assistant.

   A data analysis based on quantities was calculated using the frequencies, percentages, averages and standard deviations. Therefore, because the study does not have access to descriptive statistical analysis software, scatter plots and similar diagrams will be used to visually explain data and patterns between variables making it possible for meaningful analyses of the data concerning addressing research questions.  This analysis would give me a predictive power as to what are the factors that play a role in determining how much political involvement will take place.

   The qualitative data underwent thematic analysis using open-ended survey responses and observational notes as a means of identifying common themes. Data will be transcribed and coded to identify recurring themes (e. g. motivations for political participation, perceived impacts on home country politics) that are likely traversing scales of governance with the use of qualitative analysis. This approach offers insights into the qualities of political engagement. Narrative analysis will help to round out this picture, allowing us a deeper understanding of the how and why behind the personal stories caught in its crosshairs. This surface area allowed to move away from the dataset of scores and indexes into aspects developed by qualitative approaches like personal narratives, and experiences which adds a quality dimension to the results we provide using numbers.

Integration of Quantitative and Qualitative Data

   A mixed-methods conclusion combined findings from both data types to present an integrated response and better uncover the research question. The synthesized narrative will include the reasons, constraints and consequences of their political participation to tell both a common quantitative story. 

Findings and Analysis

Surveys 

   Upon conducting the survey, the study collected 86 responses from a diverse group of Pakistani expatriates within the UAE. Majority of the respondents; 70%; are first-generation immigrants with 30% representing second-generation Pakistanis born in the UAE. The age distribution is as follows: 18-24 years: 25%, 35-44 years: 30%, 45-54 years: 30%, and 55+ years: 15%.  Fortunately, the survey achieved a balanced gender representation, with both males and females actively participating in the data collection (53.1% males & 45.3% females). Official statistics place the number of Pakistanis expatriates in the United Arab Emirates at 1.8 million, making it the second-largest foreign-national group after Indians and an important force in terms of labor and economy. Therefore, the collected responses offer a limited but meaningful insight into the attitudes of the general community, especially given the intense concentration of younger or university-educated respondents engaging in online or campus spaces.

   The first section inquired about how closely they follow political events in Pakistan on a scale of 1 to 7, the results showed a significant variation in engagement levels. 40% of respondents rated their awareness level at 5 or higher, indicating a high level of political engagement. While the other 60% of younger respondents (18-24) rated their engagement as 3 or lower, suggesting less interest in Pakistani politics compared to older respondents. This kickstarted the idea that there may be generational differences in which we may observe the older half having higher levels and emotional connections because they were either born outside of Pakistan or have lived in the UAE long enough to develop a sense of disconnection from homeland politics. 

   The survey also inquired about methods of participation and their sources. Social media was shown to be the dominant source of political information, used by nearly 70% of respondents. Platforms like Instagram, Twitter, and YouTube were the most mentioned, with Instagram and Twitter being the most widely used for political discussions (65% of respondents). WhatsApp also emerged as a popular platform, particularly for sharing political updates within family and friend groups. Many participants also mentioned secondary sources such as family discussions and traditional Pakistani news channels (ARY, GEO). However, there were notable generational differences in platform preferences and usage.

   While younger respondents tended to rely on platforms like TikTok, Instagram, and Twitter to update themselves, they were less likely to actively engage in political discussions. Older respondents, on the other hand, preferred traditional news outlets such as TV channels and newspapers for updates and used platforms like Facebook to express support and solidarity. These generational differences reflect varying patterns of political participation, with older respondents (45+) demonstrating a stronger emotional investment in political events in Pakistan—40% rated their engagement as 5 or higher. In contrast, younger respondents (18–24) showed lower levels of involvement, with 65% rating their engagement as 3 or below. Younger participants primarily participated through online discussions and content consumption on social media, while older participants maintained stronger emotional connections to Pakistan through traditional news sources. The respondent pool being disproportionately composed of educated individuals may have introduced a bias in the patterns of engagement observed. Previous studies have attested that educational attainment is a strong determinant of access to political discourse and participation online (Erdal & Oeppen, 2018; Koinova, 2011). Thus, while the data can be interpreted to have significance to the educated segments of the diaspora, it may not reflect the lived realities of migrant workers who form a considerable chunk of the Pakistani community in the UAE, owing to their relative income or lack of education.

   Additionally, nearly 50% of respondents believed that diaspora media outlets were somewhat effective in informing and mobilizing the community, though concerns about misinformation on social media and difficulties discerning reliable news were common. These findings highlight how generational differences in media usage shape engagement and contribute to distinct patterns of political involvement within the diaspora.

   When participants were asked to describe their political activities, online political discussions emerged as the most frequent form of participation, with 50% of respondents engaging in such platforms. Voting in Pakistani elections was reported by 25% of participants, while 15% stated they donated to political causes. Interestingly, younger respondents primarily focused on charitable donations to causes back home, whereas older respondents were more likely to vote. Younger participants often expressed disinterest in the voting process, feeling that their votes would not make a meaningful difference.

   The other 50% of respondents who did not actively engage in online discussions included younger individuals who were disengaged, as well as those with demanding socioeconomic roles, such as being well-employed or managing heavy responsibilities at home, which left them with limited time to participate. Additionally, 20% of respondents expressed dissatisfaction with the lack of political activism opportunities in the UAE, citing strict local restrictions as a significant barrier. Other forms of participation included donating to political causes (10.9%) and lobbying for policy changes (7.3%). Notably, if allowed to vote in elections, 50.9% of participants indicated they would be happy to do so, reflecting a potential for increased engagement under less restrictive circumstances. This underscores generational and socioeconomic differences in political participation, with younger respondents showing a preference for indirect support through charitable giving, while older respondents demonstrated stronger ties to formal political processes such as voting.

   The following section of the survey analyzed the perceived influence of an individual’s participation. Only 10% of respondents believed their participation had a significant influence on political discussions or policymaking in Pakistan. A substantial 60% felt their participation had little to no impact, citing geographic distance and UAE laws that restrict political activism as major barriers. This group largely consisted of younger respondents who were either aware of the harsh reality of the limited influence of overseas citizens or were too busy to engage due to professional or personal commitments.

   Conversely, 30% of respondents, primarily older participants, felt that political events in Pakistan strengthened the unity of the Pakistani diaspora in the UAE. These individuals found that shared platforms and concerns fostered a sense of solidarity, bringing them closer to a feeling of “home” while living abroad. However, many also noted that while such events strengthen internal relations within the diaspora, they simultaneously contribute to negative perceptions from others, with respondents frequently using phrases like “negative effect,” “stress,” and “how others view us” to describe their feelings.

   When respondents were asked to rate their sense of unity within Pakistani diaspora communities and the impact of political events back home, the majority selected neutral responses, as shown in the bar chart (Appendix C, Figure 1). Categories 3 and 4 had the highest frequencies, with 13 participants each (20.6% of responses per category). The lowest frequency was observed in category 6 (significant impact), with only 4 participants (6.3%). This distribution underscores the mixed and moderate perceptions of political influence and unity within the diaspora, shaped by generational differences and shared experiences abroad.

   Another variable driving this study was the various barriers to political participation. First, a substantial 70% of respondents identified the UAE’s political environment as the biggest barrier to political participation. The country’s laws against protests, political gatherings, media supervision and public demonstrations prevent active political involvement. Secondly, many respondents, particularly first-generation immigrants, expressed frustration over the lack of voting mechanisms for overseas Pakistanis. 30% of respondents believe that being unable to vote is a significant barrier to political participation. An additional 22% expressed that they participate in national elections by flying back. While many others described that they would if they had the funds to. Hence why 15% of respondents mentioned that socioeconomic status affects political participation, with wealthier individuals being more likely to donate to political causes or influence discussions due to their resources. When analysing this data, this presented an obstacle: “socioeconomic status”. Because I used platforms like WhatsApp to help snowball my survey into various group chats, most of the audience reached was highly educated, employed professionals. Though this helped me receive a handful of qualitative and quantitative data, it posed a challenge for not being able to be generalizable to the broader Pakistani diaspora of different social classes thus, skewing my data. One way that I tried to overcome this challenge was to try to spread the survey in another language and then send it to Facebook groups that had a mix of social classes such as Pakistani Laborers, Pakistani Wives in Dubai, and Abu Dhabi, etc. 

   The survey also studied the role of educational and religious institutions and 15% of respondents believe that educational institutions play a role in shaping critical thinking, although political discussions are largely avoided in UAE schools due to their strict laws and policies. The data helped allude to the idea that one of the reasons why younger generations may not be that involved in transnational political activity would be due to the lack of political discourse within educational settings in the UAE limits political awareness among younger generations. However, opinions about religious organizations are mixed. 20% of respondents believe that religious organizations can provide platforms for political discussions, but many feel that religious influence in politics is conservative and disengaging.

Observations

   The four events observed were two cultural (Desi Dastaan and Dholki Night), one recreational (Sports Day), and one civic event organized by the Pakistani Cultural Club (PCC) of the American University of Sharjah (AUS) in collaboration with campus civic organizations. All these events revealed distinctive forms of community engagement, giving an indication of how Pakistani diaspora citizens engage in national politics and enact civic duty within the context of UAE.

   Notably, three out of the four observed events were primarily attended and organized by university students, reflecting how younger members of the diaspora engage with politics indirectly through cultural, recreational, and social spaces rather than through overtly political activities. This generational pattern contrasts with older diaspora members, whose engagement tends to occur through more formal channels such as voting, donations, or community leadership.

1. Cultural

   The Desi Dastaan event targeted the youth between 18 and 25 years old and involved using both Urdu and English languages only. The youth participants discussed viewing social media for informative purposes, referring to current social and political events like ongoing crimes in Pakistan and subsequent protest actions while sharing opinions on how social media could be used as a means for cultural and political engagement, strengthening the analysis derived from the surveys.  These interactions also revealed that the social media platform works as the connector between Pakistani immigrants and the political situation of Pakistan. However, the discussions were for the most part key and only confined to matters of culture and not politics; thus, the discussions posed a challenge to studying my topic. Similarly, the traditions which took place during the Dolki celebration were quite apolitical by purpose and therefore looked much more cultural. Most of the time the people were conversing in Urdu and the topics discussed were cultural reminiscences and ethnic and communal loyalty; there were no discernible political topics or inculcation of political awareness and responsibilities. The lack of political themes within this event meant that most cultural events can be understood as spaces wherein people can interact with their cultures without the addition of political dynamics. Though not much was useful to the research, it did allow to make some useful connections such as linking legal barriers and political engagements. Meaning that the lack of political engagement amongst people could indicate a hesitation among Pakistani immigrants to avoid political matters due to the fear of strict UAE laws and policies. Additionally, it also helped explain how social media is used by the youth to familiarize and educate themselves about the political arena back home, rather than as a tool to showcase their solidarity. Hence, the events served as a platform to exchange the latest news and reconnect to ethnic culture. 

2. Recreational 

   The Sports Event, attended by around 120 people, was another example of a social gathering that emphasized cultural pride and community bonding without significant political engagement. Although participants wore Pakistani-themed sports gear, symbolizing pride in their heritage, the conversations remained light and sports-centred. Political discussions were absent, suggesting that recreational activities offer an escape from political discourse and a way to build camaraderie among the expatriate community without the influence of politics. It had much to do with the sense of identity and community unity rather than any political aspects. Attendees discussed how traditions and behaviours differ from province to province rather than speaking about the socio-political differences they may have.  This event exemplifies how Pakistani immigrants may engage in cultural nationalism through symbolic expressions (such as wearing national colours) rather than through active political discourse. It may also express the idea of younger Pakistanis wanting to be closer to the culture rather than the politics of the nation which often comes attached with many negative connotations. An important observation through this event in addition to the two cultural ones was how cultural and social activities can create the foundation for deeper political engagement.

   These findings align with emerging literature indicating that cultural and sports events are often subtly used for political socialization among the youth, collectively instilling a parent identity and serving as faint expressions of civic belonging. Further research that connects such gatherings with forms of symbolic political participation would perhaps offer key insights into generational shifts in diaspora engagement.

3. Civic

   The Breast Cancer Awareness fundraiser hosted by the Pakistani Association in Dubai demonstrated a much higher level of civic engagement, with approximately 150 participants, mostly middle-aged women. Here, discussions went beyond health consciousness to talk of obligations that needed to be performed as citizens of a country; for instance, voting and keeping abreast with events happening to Pakistanis in other countries. Allowing Pakistani immigrants in the community to voice political and civic issues they care about in a friendly manner. Speaking more about political activity and social engagement, the participants mentioned their concerns about keeping abreast of the political processes in Pakistan while being in the diaspora. The fundraiser therefore demonstrated how particular concerns such as health and welfare concerns can foment political discourses within the expatriate population and nurture an international political responsibility. The event was absent of any younger attendees, proving the idea that the older community showed a sense of worry and concern in homeland politics and social causes. Attending this event, raised the question of whether students who attended the on-campus events were either avoidant of political causes or simply were least bothered about them. Many women also complained about the fact that their friends could not attend due to other work/family-related commitments. This discussion was useful in analysing the idea that some members of the diaspora may not be able to engage politically even if they wanted to due to other commitments, as addressed by many in the surveys already. 

   These observations underscore the varied nature of political engagement among Pakistani immigrants. While cultural events offered spaces primarily for cultural expression and community bonding, the civic event highlighted a more explicit form of political and civic engagement.  Such inconsistency indicated that the participation of Pakistanis in the political process depends on the nature of the political event and the atmosphere irrespective of the reluctance of the participants to discuss politics within their circle but feel at ease when it comes to exercising their political rights. In total, these studies reveal that although Pakistani immigrants get involved with the politics of Pakistan, their involvement is not very active and depends on socio-cultural settings, environmental situations of meetings etc. On another note, limitations of this study included sample bias, as the respondents were primarily educated, middle-class individuals due to snowball sampling, which may not represent the broader Pakistani diaspora. Event accessibility also posed a challenge, with some community events being missed due to scheduling conflicts, limiting observational data. 

Conclusion

   The demographic involvement of Pakistan in UAE policies means both the young and old generation, literate or illiterate is more restricted by the political culture of the host country. The older generations are motivated by a sentimental attachment to the country and vote and donate; the new generation involves themselves only through discussions and reading feeds mostly on the internet. Socioeconomic factors also play a role in these situations, because, for example, people with better conditions can pay for everything necessary for participation in active processes. The legal and political context of the UAE is still narrowly intolerant of freedoms and freedoms such as protests and public political meetings As some of the participants pointed out, their activism has no real weight in Pakistan’s political system. These findings extend transnationalism theory by demonstrating how diasporic political engagement operates within restrictive host-state environments, revealing the adaptive strategies through which civic and political participation are redefined beyond traditional forms of activism. By foregrounding generational and digital dimensions of engagement, this study expands the analytical scope of transnationalism beyond its predominant Western and democratic contexts. However, the diaspora has not been left behind on these challenges and instead has sectioned themselves with social media are more likely to be venues for identity affirmation, whereas civic ones can more often involve more manifestly political activities. These lessons can also be applied to the policy of diaspora in Pakistan, implying that efforts to engage the diaspora must consider generational differences and the role of online space in maintaining political activism. Enhancing more participatory and inclusive structures might help to build better relationships with younger overseas Pakistanis as they participate in politics in the less formal but much more networked manner.

   This research also strongly depicts that the unwilling Pakistani diaspora can continue to forge political relations with their country even if there are restrictions placed upon them. It underlines that the Pakistani government and other competitor nations should increase diaspora engagement policies for capturing the political support and the host country should be more liberal to recognise the political desires of immigrant politicians. It is hoped that these findings add to the existing knowledge of transnational political participation, providing relevant information to aid the policymaking process, future researchers, and overseas communities in general. While this study provides an in-depth account of Pakistani diaspora engagement in the UAE, its focus on a single community within one Gulf state limits broader generalization. Future research could undertake comparative analyses across different national diasporas in the Gulf, explore gender and class variations in transnational activism, and examine how digital platforms reshape long-term political consciousness under restrictive political conditions.

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Appendix A. Survey 

Study Title: Political Engagement of Pakistani Immigrants in the UAE

Thank you for considering participation in this survey. Your responses will help explore political engagement within the Pakistani immigrant community in the UAE. Please read the following:

• Voluntary Participation: Your participation is completely voluntary. You may skip any question or stop the survey at any time.

• Confidentiality: Your responses are anonymous and will remain confidential.

• Time: The survey will take about [estimated time].

• Data Use: The results will be used for research purposes only, without any identifying information.

By clicking “I agree,” you confirm your voluntary participation in this study.

Do you agree to participate?

I agree

I do not agree

Section 1: Demographic Information

1. Age:

o 18-24

o 25-34

o 35-44

o 45-54

o 55+

2. Gender:

o Male

o Female

o Prefer not to say

3. Occupation:

o Student

o Employed

o Self-employed

o Unemployed

o Retired

o Other (please specify) 

4. How long have you been living in the UAE?

o Less than 1 year

o 1-5 years

o 6-10 years

o 11-15 years

o 16+ years

5. Which generation of immigrant do you identify as?

o First-generation (Born in Pakistan, moved to the UAE)

o Second-generation (Born in the UAE to immigrant parents)

o Other (please specify) 

Section 2: Political Engagement with Pakistan

6. On a scale from 1 to 7, how closely do you follow political events in Pakistan?

o 1 = Not closely at all

o 7 = Very closely

7. Please describe your main sources of information about political events in Pakistan.

(Open-ended)

8. Please rate your level of involvement in transnational political activities related to Pakistan.

o 1 = Not involved at all

o 7 = Highly involved

9. How do you participate in political activities related to Pakistan? (Check all that apply):

o Voting in elections (if applicable)

o Donating to political causes

o Attending political rallies or protests

o Engaging in online political discussions

o Lobbying for policy changes

o Other (please specify)  

10. Do you believe your participation in political activities has any influence on political discussions or policies in Pakistan?

• 1 = No influence

• 7 = Significant influence

Section 3: Political Engagement in the UAE

11. On a scale from 1 to 7, how much do you think political events in Pakistan impact the sense of unity among Pakistani diaspora communities in the UAE?

• 1 = No impact

• 7 = Significant impact

12. In your opinion, how do political events in Pakistan affect your daily life or identity as a Pakistani living in the UAE?

(Open-ended)

13. On a scale from 1 to 7, how much influence do you think the UAE’s political environment has on your ability to engage in transnational political activities related to Pakistan?

• 1 = No influence

• 7 = Significant influence

14. To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statement: “I feel that political events in Pakistan have caused me to re-evaluate my political identity and affiliations”?

• 1 = Strongly disagree

• 7 = Strongly agree

Section 4: Social Media and Political Participation

15. Please rate how frequently you use the following platforms to engage in political discussions related to Pakistan:

• Facebook: 1 = Never, 7 = Very often

• WhatsApp: 1 = Never, 7 = Very often

• Twitter/X: 1 = Never, 7 = Very often

• Instagram: 1 = Never, 7 = Very often

• YouTube: 1 = Never, 7 = Very often

• Other (please specify): 1 = Never, 7 = Very often

16. In your opinion, how effective are Pakistani diaspora media outlets (e.g., TV channels, social media platforms) in informing and mobilizing diaspora communities following major political events in Pakistan?

• 1 = Not effective at all

• 7 = Highly effective

17. Please explain how social media influences your political engagement with Pakistan.

(Open-ended)

Section 5: Generational Differences and Barriers

18. How differently do you think younger and older generations of Pakistani immigrants in the UAE engage in political activities related to Pakistan?

(Open-ended)

19. Please rate how much you believe factors such as age, gender, and socioeconomic status affect political participation in the Pakistani diaspora:

• 1 = Not influential at all

• 7 = Highly influential

20. What barriers, if any, do you face when participating in political activities related to Pakistan while living in the UAE?

(Open-ended)

Section 6: Final Thoughts

21. In your opinion, what role do educational institutions or religious organizations play in shaping your political attitudes and activities as a member of the Pakistani diaspora in the UAE?

(Open-ended)

22. Please share any additional thoughts or experiences regarding your political participation as a Pakistani immigrant in the UAE.

(Open-ended)

Appendix B. Observational Checklist 

Participant Observation Checklist for Political and Civic Engagement Events General Event Details:

• Event Name: 

• Date and Time of Event: 

• Location: 

• Type of Event:

o ☐ Community gathering

o ☐ Political meeting

o ☐ Cultural celebration

o ☐ Fundraiser

o ☐ Protest

o ☐ Other

• Approximate Number of People Attending: 

• Age Groups of People Attending:☐ Mostly young adults (18-30)

o ☐ Mixed (variety of ages)

o ☐ Mostly middle-aged (30-50)

o ☐ Mostly older adults (50+)

• Gender Distribution:

o ☐ Majority male

o ☐ Majority female

o ☐ Balanced

• Primary Language(s) Spoken:

o ☐ Urdu

o ☐ English

o ☐ Other:

Observing Political and Civic Engagement:

• Types of Political Participation Observed:

o ☐ Discussion of political issues in Pakistan

o ☐ Support or opposition to political figures or policies

o ☐ Fundraising for political causes

o ☐ Planning or discussing political activism

o ☐ Encouraging voter registration or participation

o ☐ Social media discussions or promotions related to Pakistan

o ☐ None observed

o ☐ Other

• Level of Engagement:

o ☐ High (active discussions, visible enthusiasm)

o ☐ Moderate (some discussion, general interest)

o ☐ Low (minimal political conversation)

o ☐ None (no visible engagement)

• Modes of Engagement:

o ☐ Formal speeches or presentations

o ☐ Informal group discussions

o ☐ One-on-one conversations

o ☐ Sharing information or resources (e.g., pamphlets, social media links)

o ☐ Other

Social Context and Group Dynamics:

• Social Groups Forming During the Event:

o ☐ Groups based on age

o ☐ Groups based on gender

o ☐ Mixed groups (age, gender, background)

o ☐ Small clusters

o ☐ Larger group discussions

• Interaction Between Generations:

o ☐ Strong interaction between younger and older participants

o ☐ Minimal interaction between generations

o ☐ Younger participants more active

o ☐ Older participants more active

o ☐ Balanced engagement across age groups

• Interactions Among Genders:

o ☐ Mixed-gender conversations

o ☐ Mostly same-gender interactions

o ☐ Women more active

o ☐ Men more active

o ☐ Balanced

• Key Themes in Conversations:

o ☐ Pakistani political events or elections

o ☐ Civic duties and responsibilities as immigrants

o ☐ Transnational identity and loyalty to Pakistan

o ☐ Concerns about policies or governance in Pakistan

o ☐ Role of social media in political engagement

o ☐ Other

Observing Barriers and Challenges:

• Did you notice any barriers to participation?

(e.g., participants being hesitant to speak, discomfort, lack of access or awareness of political activities)

o ☐ Yes

o ☐ No

• Did participants mention challenges to their political engagement?

o ☐ Lack of time or resources

o ☐ Fear of political backlash

o ☐ Difficulty in accessing political information

o ☐ Barriers related to the UAE’s political environment

o ☐ Other

Social Media and Political Discussions:

• Use of Social Media for Political Purposes:

o ☐ People shared political content on their phones

o ☐ Discussions involved recent online campaigns

o ☐ Participants encouraged using social media for political activism

o ☐ Social media not mentioned

o ☐ Other

• Which platforms were referenced for political engagement?

o ☐ WhatsApp

o ☐ Facebook

o ☐ Twitter/X

o ☐ Instagram

o ☐ YouTube

o ☐ Other

Personal Observations:

• What stood out most about this event’s political or civic engagement?

• Did you notice any unexpected or surprising behaviours?

• How did the social context (age, gender, generation) shape the conversations and engagement?

• Were there any strong leaders or influential figures who shaped the direction of discussions or activities?

Appendix C. Figure 1

Figure 1. Survey responses showing varied perceptions of how political events in Pakistan influence the sense of unity among Pakistani diaspora communities in the UAE.